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Tag: Natural Resources

Mining and Inuit Communities in Canada – Tom Hoefer

This is a long version of the answer that Tom Hoefer (Executive Director, Northwest Territories and Nunavut Chamber of Mines) gave us for the Lead Article A Zero-Sum Game? which deals with the following question: Rapid globalization makes competition for land, raw materials and other resources intense. When the stakes are so high, can rural, indigenous peoples and urban, industrialized communities both benefit from resource extraction? Or is this situation a zero-sum game?

Resource extraction – particularly mining – in northern Canada is already benefitting both rural, indigenous (Aboriginal) peoples and urban, industrialized communities. Currently, the Northwest Territories and Nunavut host 5 mines producing diamonds, gold and tungsten. The mines’ physical footprint is less than 0.01% of the two territories’ area, which itself is the size of India. The region hosts fewer than 75,000 residents the majority of whom are Aboriginal (First Nation, Inuit and Metis). Education levels are lower than the Canadian average, unemployment is significantly higher, and social problems are greater.

Training partnerships and industry-community agreements have helped make mining the largest private sector employer of Aboriginal people, and have created a brand new Aboriginal mining business community. The mines provide much needed employment and income to fill the void created when NGO pressures decimated the fur trade, an economic cornerstone of Aboriginal communities for several hundred years. Aboriginal communities have captured thousands of person years of long term, high paying mining jobs, and several billion dollars in business spending through their new business ventures. The industry’s tax and royalty contributions are also helping move the territories and communities closer to economic self-reliance. The 4 NWT mines contribute about 30% of the GDP, and Nunavut’s single gold mine is already contributing over 10% of its GDP. The mines also employ workers from southern Canada, and they purchase materials and supplies from manufacturers there, creating jobs and wealth for other, urban and industrialized parts of Canada.

The Northwest Territories and Nunavut’s large size, remoteness and cold and harsh climate conditions are not favourable to economic diversity. Non-renewable resource development is our economic strength and today, the mining industry in the NWT and Nunavut is making the most significant socio-economic contributions to Aboriginal communities than ever in the industry’s 80-year northern history.

But it’s not enough. Given our Aboriginal baby boom, and given that mines don’t last forever we need to continue to explore for, and develop, new mines to address our employment needs. Our current mines are doing much to help, but there is room and need for further growth that will contribute much-needed community opportunities. We are hopeful that commodity markets will remain strong enough to support a number of exciting new mining ventures in both Territories which will provide still needed opportunities for local employment, business and government revenues.

Tom Hoefer, Executive Director, Northwest Territories and Nunavut Chamber of Mines

Mining and Rural Communities in the Philippines – Clemente Bautista

This is a long version of the answers that Clemente Bautista (President of Kalikasan: People’s Network for the Environment) gave us for the Lead Article A Zero-Sum Game? which deals with the following question: Rapid globalization makes competition for land, raw materials and other resources intense. When the stakes are so high, can rural, indigenous peoples and urban, industrialized communities both benefit from resource extraction? Or is this situation a zero-sum game?

Mining proves that benefits of globalization remains merely on paper

In spite of the Philippine government’s promises that globalization will bring economic growth and development, our country continues to experience rapid resource depletion, extensive environmental degradation, and proliferation of conflicts.

A case in point is the liberalization of the mining industry which is among the longstanding centerpieces of our government. The Mining Act of 1995 during the Ramos administration is among the first globalization laws passed in the country, aiming to entice foreign investments in our mineral industry. Lots of privileges and incentives were given to foreign miners, such as full ownership of tens of thousands of hectares of mineralized lands for 50 years.

As of July 2012, mining concessions cover 1.15 million hectares of Philippine soil, mostly owned by foreign corporations. As these corporations have the right to own and exploit these areas, millions of our grassroots peoples were driven out of their lands. Large-scale mines have historically caused massive pollution and widespread forest denudation, affecting the livelihood and food source of rural communities.

A recent example is the series of dam failures in Philex Mining’s Padcal Mine since August 2012. Philex was suspended and fined for spilling more than 5 million metric tons of mine wastes to Balog Creek and Agno River. The toxic mine spill endangers not only the livelihood of the local communities but as also threatens their health.

Mining liberalization also dismally contributed to domestic economic growth. Anti-mining liberalization group Defend Patrimony noted that mining and quarrying contributed a measly 1.2% to our GDP and 0.16% to the government’s total revenue in 2011. This, as corporations annually extract billions of pesos worth of mineral resources from our reserves.  The promise of economic benefits which will supposedly lead to the improvement of social services and industrialization of both rural and urban areas remained merely on paper.

Clemente Bautista, President of Kalikasan: People’s Network for the Environment

Land Ownership, Mines and Nomads in Mongolia – Amartuvshin Amarjargal

This is a long version of the answers that Amartuvshin Amarjargal (Associate Professor at the University of Ulaanbataar) gave us for the Lead Article A Zero-Sum Game? which deals with the following question: Rapid globalization makes competition for land, raw materials and other resources intense. When the stakes are so high, can rural, indigenous peoples and urban, industrialized communities both benefit from resource extraction? Or is this situation a zero-sum game?

In the case of Mongolia, the benefits of resource extraction are unevenly distributed between rural, indigenous people and urban communities. To a greater or lesser extent, the current legal environment on land ownership makes this inequality more pronounced. In Mongolia, land is considered state property. In 2002, the parliament of Mongolia passed the land law (effective as of 2003 May 1) which permits citizens of Mongolia to own land up to 0.07 hectare to 0.5 hectare per citizen depending on the area in which he/she resides. However, the law states clearly that pasture land will be owned only by the state. Moreover, traditionally and throughout the history of Mongolia, pasture land has always been seen as public property for common use by all of society.

Under these legal circumstances, the government of Mongolia has been rushing to extract natural resources at a very aggressive rate in order to meet the growing demands of rapid urbanization, which is mainly concentrated in Ulaanbaatar, the capital city of Mongolia. As a result, the state has been issuing exploration and mining licenses for mining companies expansively. About 1,200 exploration and mining licenses had been issued all over Mongolia as of 2010, covering pasture land, rivers and water resources. Since the land belongs to the state only, the nomad community had no legal voice in dealings for their traditional pasture land. As for the mining, license holders had no reason to bargain with indigenous nomadic people over the licensed areas.

Coal mine near Hailar, Mongolia

Coal mine near Hailar, Mongolia. Picture taken by Herry Lawford, published under a CC BY 2.0 license on Flickr.

Since the pasture land is the only income resource for nomadic community, there have been several clashes between nomadic communities and mining companies since 2000, but the mining companies have always won in a legal sense because they have land usage rights to the areas of concern from the state, which owns land. As a result, nomadic communities have moved away from mining areas without any significant restoration of lost income or compensation from mining companies. When mining managers operating in the South Gobi region were asked about the biggest compensation they had provided to nomadic communities, their answer was that they had sent a “free” truck to make them move out of the mining area. Such “compensation” to nomadic communities from mining companies is commonplace and representative in Mongolia.

Given this situation, it is very hard to prove that rural communities are getting the same benefit as much as urban community.

Another big problem of natural-resource extraction for rural communities is environmental degradation. Nomadic livestock is totally dependent on nature, and water pollution, water shortages, dust from the trucks that transport raw coal and other natural resources to China through the Mongolian desert, all make the livestock on which nomadic communities depend more and more vulnerable to damage.

Some economists might argue that labor will move from a traditional sector to a mining sector which brings technology and productivity to economy, but this is not happening yet in Mongolia. The nomadic people are usually less educated and less experienced.  They will not easily find employment in mining sites. This kind of “theoretical” labor shift does not appear to be taking place so far in Mongolia.

The government of Mongolia should have a very specific strategy to balance the rapid growing demand of urban areas and the needs of neglected remote communities.  Even though nomadic herding is “out of date,” the living of almost 30% of population relies on it. In contrast, the mining sector employs only 6% of work force. In other words, the livestock sector itself is neglected. But its role in the Mongolian economy is not negligible, and it will remain appreciable certainly for the next 50 years, I believe.

Amartuvshin Amarjargal, Associate Professor at the University of Ulaanbataar

Peak oil, climate change and democracy: Do they mix?

Winston Churchill once noted, “It has been said that democracy is the worst form of government except all the others that have been tried.” But have the pressing problems facing us today — looming peak oil, climate change, the still-strangled credit markets — given other forms of government an edge over democracy?

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China vs. the US: The Battle for Oil

China and the United States are the world’s biggest consumers of oil. To understand the impact that oil reserves can have on the governance of a resource-rich country it is equally important to take into account the role of oil-consuming countries.

People – Oil – Policy: playing between welfare and curse

“What we are currently thinking about is how to avoid the resource curse through two things, first, how to make oil and gas revenues transparent, and second, how to increase citizen’s participation in sustainable development planning” says Kunarto Marzuki. Best practices from Indonesia.

EITI – Making Resources Work for People

The Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative explains its approach of putting transparency and accountability at the center of resource management. Several examples display that these crucial factors lead the way for the wellbeing of citizens in resource-rich countries.

Peter Sutherland, Chairman of the Board, BP: “Transparency seems to me to make a lot of sense both politically as a former politician as well as in terms of business.”

Publish What You Pay (PWYP)

Publish What You Pay (PWYP) is a global network of civil society organisations that are united in their call for oil, gas and mining revenues to form the basis for development and improve the lives of ordinary citizens in resource-rich countries.

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BICC: Resource Conflict Monitor

The Resource Conflict Monitor (RCM) monitors how resource-rich countries manage, administer and govern their natural resources and illustrates the impact of the quality of resource governance on the onset, intensity and duration of violent conflict.

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Fatal Transactions Network

Fatal Transactions is an international network of NGO’s who believe that the natural richness of Africa, be it gold, diamonds, oil or copper, can be a motor behind development and stability instead of a source of conflict.

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The Revenue Watch Institute

The Revenue Watch Institute is a non-profit policy institute and grantmaking organization that promotes the effective, transparent and accountable management of oil, gas and mineral resources for the public good.

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